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Showing posts with label Court. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 23, 2014

High Court To Consider Political Lies, Future Of Broadcasting

by Nina Totenberg

April 22, 2014 4:56 AM ET Listen to the Story Morning Edition

7 min 48 sec Playlist Download  

The Supreme Court on Tuesday hears arguments in two high-profile cases that could affect video sharing on the Internet, and the telling of untruths in the political marketplace.

Copyright © 2014 NPR. For personal, noncommercial use only. See Terms of Use. For other uses, prior permission required.

STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:

Two important cases will be argued before the U.S. Supreme Court today. One of them involves a high-stakes, high-tech battle that has raised the possibility of major TV networks no longer broadcasting over the air. The other case involves the future of lying in political campaigns. Here's NPR's legal affairs correspondent Nina Totenberg.

NINA TOTENBERG, BYLINE: Is there a constitutional right to lie? Ohio and about a third of all the states have laws that make certain kinds of campaign lies illegal. The Buckeye State version imposes potential fines on organizations convicted of violating the law. During the 2010 midterm elections, the anti-abortion Susan B. Anthony List wanted to put up a billboard ad targeting then-Congressman Steven Driehaus or his vote on the Affordable Care Act.

The ad said, quote, "Shame on Steve Driehaus. Driehaus voted for taxpayer-funded abortions." In fact, Driehaus and other anti-abortion Democrats supported the Obama health care bill only after the president agreed to issue an executive order that specified tax dollars could not be used for abortion except in cases of rape, incest or to save the life of the woman.

Driehaus filed a complaint with the Ohio Elections Commission, and the commission found probable cause of a violation. But the ad never went up because the advertising company that owned the billboard space refused to allow it. Driehaus subsequently lost his reelection bid, and his complaint to the state elections commission was withdrawn. The Susan B. Anthony List was never prosecuted, but it nonetheless continued its legal challenge to the law. The lower court dismissed the suit, and the group appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, contending that its free speech rights had been violated. The group argues that under our Constitution, the government cannot decide what is false speech in the context of a political campaign.

Before the court actually gets to that question, however, those challenging the law must clear an important procedural hurdle. The court's conservative members have in the past been very strict about requiring a showing of actual harm to justify getting in the courtroom door. But the same justices who stress this test have also been the most aggressive in asserting the First Amendment right of free speech. They've used that principal in striking down laws that limit corporate and union campaign spending, for instance.

In the Ohio case being argued today, civil libertarians on the left and right have filed briefs opposing the law against lying. They point a lot of famously false statements by those in public life. President Nixon, who later resigned in disgrace.

PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: People have got to know whether or not their president is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook.

TOTENBERG: President Clinton, accused of having an extramarital affair in the White House.

PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON: I did not have sexual relations with that woman.

TOTENBERG: President George H.W. Bush, speaking at the convention that nominated him for the presidency in 1988, made this pledge on taxes.

PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: Read my lips: no new taxes.

TOTENBERG: And President Obama, campaigning for his health care plan.

PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: If you like your private health insurance plan, you can keep your plan, period.

TOTENBERG: Whether each of these statements was made knowing it was false is at least debatable, but just listing them makes the point that falsity in politics may sometimes be hard to define. Today's second case sounds like a far more prosaic copyright battle, but in fact, it amounts to a fight for survival between a tiny startup and the TV networks.

The startup contends it is innovating and creating cheaper ways for people to pay for only the stations they most often watch. The networks contend that the startup is using a gimmick to thwart to the economic vitality of their business. So serious is the economic threat, that two major networks have said they would consider abandoning over-the-air, free broadcasting if they lose, broadcasting instead only on pay cable channels. And the NFL and Major League Baseball have similarly threatened to abandon broadcasting on free local channels.

The essence of the legal argument is this: federal law requires that anyone rebroadcasting what is known as public performance - let's say "NCIS" or "Modern Family" or the local news - is required to pay copyright fees. Those rebroadcasting fees will provide an estimated $4 billion for the networks this year, and double that amount in four years.

Enter Aereo, Incorporated, a startup with a novel idea and a new technology. It's created tiny, dime-sized antennas that pick up over-the-air signals of the network affiliates in New York, Atlanta, Boston and eight other cities. The antennas are centralized on circuit boards at Aereo locations in each city and activated remotely by subscribers. Using this system, subscribers can live-stream local stations and record programming for a price that is a fraction of what it would cost to watch via cable - $8 a month for 20 hours of storage, $12 for 60 hours. CEO Chet Kanojia compares his service to TiVo, and maintains that his company similarly is not retransmitting public performances, because each antenna is controlled by an individual, not the company.

CHET KANOJIA: There is a clear distinction between technology providers that are allowed to sell technology to enhance the consumer's experience and cable companies.

TOTENBERG: His business model is based on the idea that most people regularly watch only a small number of channels, usually the major network channels. Therefore, a remote antenna service that allows subscribers to live stream and record on any mobile device is cheap and has a built-in audience of people who don't want to pay hundreds of dollars for cable bundles. He won't say how many subscribers he has, but he observes that the use of regular, old-fashioned antennas is increasing, too, now serving some 60 million people.

KANOJIA: Why? Because they can't afford a $250 cable bill.

TOTENBERG: Increasingly, he says, people are looking at TV offerings and saying...

KANOJIA: I've got Netflix for eight bucks a month. And if I can get my local TV - which gives me sports, news, weather, you know, basic lifeline services - that makes sense to me.

TOTENBERG: But does the law allow a company like Aereo to essentially skim off the cream of the network and local programming for its own use and profit without paying for it? No, say the networks, observing that their programming costs lots to produce, and that local stations pay lots for it. Erin Murphy, one of the lawyers representing the network, says that what Aereo is doing has nothing to do with the public good, and everything to do with circumventing copyright law.

ERIN MURPHY: If Aereo can do this, there's really no reason that a cable company and a satellite company can't turn around and create their own Aereo-like workaround.

TOTENBERG: Meaning they, too, would pay no copyright or licensing fees. Tom Goldstein, publisher of a leading Supreme Court blog, agrees that Aereo's legal argument is an attempt to find a loophole in the copyright law. But will it work?

TOM GOLDSTEIN: Is the Supreme Court going to look at this and say: Oh, you came up with a good trick and you've worked your way around the statute? Or is it going to say: Oh, come on, give us a break?

TOTENBERG: The court is expected to rule by summer. Nina Totenberg, NPR News, Washington.

Copyright © 2014 NPR. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to NPR. This transcript is provided for personal, noncommercial use only, pursuant to our Terms of Use. Any other use requires NPR's prior permission. Visit our permissions page for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by a contractor for NPR, and accuracy and availability may vary. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Please be aware that the authoritative record of NPR's programming is the audio.

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Supreme Court Will Hear Challenge To Ohio Ban On Campaign Lies

The Supreme Court building.

greg.road.trip

The U.S. Supreme Court hears arguments Tuesday testing whether states can make it a crime to lie about candidates during an election campaign.

At issue is an Ohio law that imposes potential jail time or a fine for the first offense, and possibly loss of the right to vote for anyone convicted twice. The case before the court, however, involves not a person, but an organization.

During the 2010 midterm elections, the anti-abortion Susan B. Anthony List wanted to put up a billboard ad targeting then-Rep. Steven Driehaus, D-Ohio, for his vote on the Affordable Care Act.

The ad said, "Shame on Steve Driehaus! Driehaus voted FOR taxpayer-funded abortion."

In fact, Driehaus and other anti-abortion Democrats supported the health care bill only after President Obama agreed to issue an executive order that specified insurance plans in the health care exchanges would not use tax dollars for abortion, except in cases of rape, incest or when the life of the woman would be endangered.

Driehaus filed a complaint with the Ohio Elections Commission, and the commission found probable cause of a violation. The ad never went up because the advertising company that owned the billboard space refused to allow it.

Driehaus subsequently lost his re-election bid, and his complaint to the state Elections Commission was withdrawn. The Susan B. Anthony List, however, continued its legal challenge to the Ohio election law, contending it would chill similar speech in future election campaigns.

The lower courts dismissed the suit, concluding that the anti-abortion group could not show it had suffered any actual harm. Because the group had not been prosecuted, the lower courts said, any claimed harm is purely "speculative."

The Susan B. Anthony List appealed that ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court, contending that its free speech rights had been violated. The group argues that under the U.S. Constitution, the government cannot decide what is false speech in the context of a political campaign.

First, though, those challenging the Ohio law have to jump an important procedural hurdle.

The Supreme Court's five most conservative members have, in the past, been very strict about requiring a showing of actual harm to justify getting in the courtroom door. But the same justices have also been aggressive in protecting the First Amendment right of free speech.

Just two years ago, the high court struck down a federal law that made it a crime to lie about having been awarded military medals. And earlier this month, the conservative majority invalidated a cap on the overall amount of money donors can give, in the aggregate, to political candidates and parties. That decision, too, was in the name of free speech.

In the Ohio case being argued Tuesday, civil libertarians on the right and left have filed briefs opposing the law against lying, and by extension similar laws in about one-third of the states.

The Cato Institute and satirist P.J. O'Rourke contend in their brief that falsehoods "are cornerstones of American democracy."

To make the point, the brief opens with statements or messages from five past presidents:

"I am not a crook." (Richard Nixon)

"Read my lips: No new taxes!" (George H.W. Bush)

"I did not have sexual relations with that woman." (Bill Clinton)

"Mission accomplished." (George W. Bush)

"If you like your health care plan, you can keep it." (Barack Obama)

Whether each of these statements was made knowing it was false is at least debatable. But just listing them makes the point that falsity in politics may be hard to define.

A decision in the case is expected by June.

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High Court Upholds Michigan's Affirmative Action Ban

by Nina Totenberg

April 22, 2014 4:06 PM ET

Audio for this story from All Things Considered will be available at approximately 7:00 p.m. ET.

Transcript  

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Tuesday, April 22, 2014

High Court To Consider Political Lies, Future Of Broadcasting

by Nina Totenberg

April 22, 2014 4:56 AM ET Listen to the Story Morning Edition

7 min 48 sec Playlist Download  

The Supreme Court on Tuesday hears arguments in two high-profile cases that could affect video sharing on the Internet, and the telling of untruths in the political marketplace.

Copyright © 2014 NPR. For personal, noncommercial use only. See Terms of Use. For other uses, prior permission required.

STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:

Two important cases will be argued before the U.S. Supreme Court today. One of them involves a high-stakes, high-tech battle that has raised the possibility of major TV networks no longer broadcasting over the air. The other case involves the future of lying in political campaigns. Here's NPR's legal affairs correspondent Nina Totenberg.

NINA TOTENBERG, BYLINE: Is there a constitutional right to lie? Ohio and about a third of all the states have laws that make certain kinds of campaign lies illegal. The Buckeye State version imposes potential fines on organizations convicted of violating the law. During the 2010 midterm elections, the anti-abortion Susan B. Anthony List wanted to put up a billboard ad targeting then-Congressman Steven Driehaus or his vote on the Affordable Care Act.

The ad said, quote, "Shame on Steve Driehaus. Driehaus voted for taxpayer-funded abortions." In fact, Driehaus and other anti-abortion Democrats supported the Obama health care bill only after the president agreed to issue an executive order that specified tax dollars could not be used for abortion except in cases of rape, incest or to save the life of the woman.

Driehaus filed a complaint with the Ohio Elections Commission, and the commission found probable cause of a violation. But the ad never went up because the advertising company that owned the billboard space refused to allow it. Driehaus subsequently lost his reelection bid, and his complaint to the state elections commission was withdrawn. The Susan B. Anthony List was never prosecuted, but it nonetheless continued its legal challenge to the law. The lower court dismissed the suit, and the group appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, contending that its free speech rights had been violated. The group argues that under our Constitution, the government cannot decide what is false speech in the context of a political campaign.

Before the court actually gets to that question, however, those challenging the law must clear an important procedural hurdle. The court's conservative members have in the past been very strict about requiring a showing of actual harm to justify getting in the courtroom door. But the same justices who stress this test have also been the most aggressive in asserting the First Amendment right of free speech. They've used that principal in striking down laws that limit corporate and union campaign spending, for instance.

In the Ohio case being argued today, civil libertarians on the left and right have filed briefs opposing the law against lying. They point a lot of famously false statements by those in public life. President Nixon, who later resigned in disgrace.

PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: People have got to know whether or not their president is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook.

TOTENBERG: President Clinton, accused of having an extramarital affair in the White House.

PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON: I did not have sexual relations with that woman.

TOTENBERG: President George H.W. Bush, speaking at the convention that nominated him for the presidency in 1988, made this pledge on taxes.

PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: Read my lips: no new taxes.

TOTENBERG: And President Obama, campaigning for his health care plan.

PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: If you like your private health insurance plan, you can keep your plan, period.

TOTENBERG: Whether each of these statements was made knowing it was false is at least debatable, but just listing them makes the point that falsity in politics may sometimes be hard to define. Today's second case sounds like a far more prosaic copyright battle, but in fact, it amounts to a fight for survival between a tiny startup and the TV networks.

The startup contends it is innovating and creating cheaper ways for people to pay for only the stations they most often watch. The networks contend that the startup is using a gimmick to thwart to the economic vitality of their business. So serious is the economic threat, that two major networks have said they would consider abandoning over-the-air, free broadcasting if they lose, broadcasting instead only on pay cable channels. And the NFL and Major League Baseball have similarly threatened to abandon broadcasting on free local channels.

The essence of the legal argument is this: federal law requires that anyone rebroadcasting what is known as public performance - let's say "NCIS" or "Modern Family" or the local news - is required to pay copyright fees. Those rebroadcasting fees will provide an estimated $4 billion for the networks this year, and double that amount in four years.

Enter Aereo, Incorporated, a startup with a novel idea and a new technology. It's created tiny, dime-sized antennas that pick up over-the-air signals of the network affiliates in New York, Atlanta, Boston and eight other cities. The antennas are centralized on circuit boards at Aereo locations in each city and activated remotely by subscribers. Using this system, subscribers can live-stream local stations and record programming for a price that is a fraction of what it would cost to watch via cable - $8 a month for 20 hours of storage, $12 for 60 hours. CEO Chet Kanojia compares his service to TiVo, and maintains that his company similarly is not retransmitting public performances, because each antenna is controlled by an individual, not the company.

CHET KANOJIA: There is a clear distinction between technology providers that are allowed to sell technology to enhance the consumer's experience and cable companies.

TOTENBERG: His business model is based on the idea that most people regularly watch only a small number of channels, usually the major network channels. Therefore, a remote antenna service that allows subscribers to live stream and record on any mobile device is cheap and has a built-in audience of people who don't want to pay hundreds of dollars for cable bundles. He won't say how many subscribers he has, but he observes that the use of regular, old-fashioned antennas is increasing, too, now serving some 60 million people.

KANOJIA: Why? Because they can't afford a $250 cable bill.

TOTENBERG: Increasingly, he says, people are looking at TV offerings and saying...

KANOJIA: I've got Netflix for eight bucks a month. And if I can get my local TV - which gives me sports, news, weather, you know, basic lifeline services - that makes sense to me.

TOTENBERG: But does the law allow a company like Aereo to essentially skim off the cream of the network and local programming for its own use and profit without paying for it? No, say the networks, observing that their programming costs lots to produce, and that local stations pay lots for it. Erin Murphy, one of the lawyers representing the network, says that what Aereo is doing has nothing to do with the public good, and everything to do with circumventing copyright law.

ERIN MURPHY: If Aereo can do this, there's really no reason that a cable company and a satellite company can't turn around and create their own Aereo-like workaround.

TOTENBERG: Meaning they, too, would pay no copyright or licensing fees. Tom Goldstein, publisher of a leading Supreme Court blog, agrees that Aereo's legal argument is an attempt to find a loophole in the copyright law. But will it work?

TOM GOLDSTEIN: Is the Supreme Court going to look at this and say: Oh, you came up with a good trick and you've worked your way around the statute? Or is it going to say: Oh, come on, give us a break?

TOTENBERG: The court is expected to rule by summer. Nina Totenberg, NPR News, Washington.

Copyright © 2014 NPR. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to NPR. This transcript is provided for personal, noncommercial use only, pursuant to our Terms of Use. Any other use requires NPR's prior permission. Visit our permissions page for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by a contractor for NPR, and accuracy and availability may vary. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Please be aware that the authoritative record of NPR's programming is the audio.

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Supreme Court Case Could Change How You Watch TV

"An economic model is being challenged in the Supreme Court on Tuesday in a battle between broadcast television networks and the startup Aereo Inc. The issues focus on copyright law, but the outcome could alter broadcasting in the U.S." alt

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Monday, April 21, 2014

Court chaos: Iraqi man convicted in wife's murder

5:06 AM  chaos:, convicted, Court, Iraqi, murder, wife's  No comments EL CAJON, Calif. (AP) — What began as a hate crime investigation two years ago has led to the murder conviction of an Iraqi immigrant, whose wife was found badly beaten with a threatening note labeling her a terrorist.

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Saturday, April 19, 2014

Court chaos: Iraqi man convicted in wife's murder

EL CAJON, Calif. (AP) — What began as a hate crime investigation two years ago has led to the murder conviction of an Iraqi immigrant, whose wife was found badly beaten with a threatening note labeling her a terrorist.

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Friday, April 18, 2014

Appeals court rejects challenge on cement plants

WASHINGTON (AP) — A federal appeals court has turned aside a challenge by environmental groups to an air pollution standard for cement plants.

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Thursday, April 17, 2014

India's top court recognizes third gender category

NEW DELHI (AP) — India's top court has issued a landmark verdict creating a third gender category, saying transgendered people can now identify themselves that way on official documents.

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Monday, April 14, 2014

Republicans Form New Fundraising Group, On Heels Of High Court Ruling

by Bill Chappell

April 12, 2014 9:04 AM ET

Seeking to capitalize on the Supreme Court's recent ruling that eased restrictions on political contributions, Republicans are launching what experts call a new "super joint fundraising committee." The Republican Victory Fund will work under the expanded rules set by the court's April 2 ruling in the McCutcheon v. FEC case.

As NPR's Peter Overby reports, the Republican Victory Fund will be able to raise nearly $100,000 each year from each donor. Here's Peter's report for our Newscast unit:

"The Victory Fund will split the cash among the Republican National Committee and the two GOP committees for House and Senate races.

"Until last week's Supreme Court ruling, the $97,200 maximum was about 80 percent of all the contributions a donor could make to candidates and party committees in a two-year election cycle.

"The RNC financed the lawsuit that challenged the aggregate limits; GOP leaders say the new money will revitalize the party organization.

"Critics say it's only a matter of time before congressional leaders also create joint fundraising committees. They could collect six- or seven-figure checks and distribute the funds to candidates aligned with them."

In interviews with veteran campaign finance lawyers in Washington, Peter found that the new arrival of super joint fundraising committees could undermine the major political parties, continuing a trend that includes superPACs and other entities that skirt national parties as they funnel money toward political campaigns.

After the ruling, "the party committees and all the other groups can jump in with both feet, without worrying about a donor being maxed out," attorney Ken Gross told Peter last week.

Another lawyer, Robert Kelner, said, "The main effect of this decision is that it's going to encourage the development of super joint fundraising committees."

From Politico:

"By lifting the so-called aggregate cap that limited the total amount a single donor could give to parties and candidates, donors no longer have to pick and choose which party committees or candidates to throw their support to. Instead, they're free to support a variety of parties and candidates

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